Skip to main content

Believe that journalism can make a difference

If you believe in the work we do at Vox, please support us by becoming a member. Our mission has never been more urgent. But our work isn’t easy. It requires resources, dedication, and independence. And that’s where you come in.

We rely on readers like you to fund our journalism. Will you support our work and become a Vox Member today?

Support Vox

Changing the Constitution without amending it: the National Popular Vote story

Reformers are trying to change the way presidents are elected without formally changing the Constitution. It’s not the first time.

Congressional clerks passing around Ohio’s Electoral College certificate.
Congressional clerks passing around Ohio’s Electoral College certificate.
Congressional clerks passing around Ohio’s Electoral College certificate, January 2013.
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

While the Constitution contains procedures to amend it, the bar for doing so has proven quite high. There have been only 10 amendments ratified in the past century, and only two in the past half century. But there are ways to change the manner in which the Constitution is implemented without formally amending it.

One fascinating recent and ongoing example of such a workaround is the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPV), developed as a way of undermining the Electoral College. States that join NPV commit to casting their electoral votes in favor of the presidential candidate who wins the popular vote, which would end the problem of elections in which the candidate who receives fewer votes ends up as president. It goes into effect once enough states have joined to comprise a majority of the Electoral College. Colorado and Delaware just joined the compact within the last few weeks, putting NPV 86 electoral votes short of enactment.

Some critics have complained that this would essentially change the Constitution and violate the founders’ vision without going through the processes of amendment. And, well, yes, it would. But it’s hardly the first movement to do this. Indeed, the way that the Electoral College is currently implemented and has been practiced over the past two centuries bears little similarity to the way the founders originally described it. This is no council of elites carefully deliberating over the ideal president; electors, with very few exceptions, simply vote the way their states’ voters did, in many cases risking legal penalty for not doing so. This was an adaptation of the Constitution, not an amendment to it.

NPV is a bold reform idea, but how would it work in practice? Politically, it may prove to be a minefield should it actually go into effect.

Imagine, for example, that it goes into effect for the 2020 election (highly unlikely), and Donald Trump manages to eke out a national popular vote win (somewhat unlikely), even while a majority of Coloradans vote for the Democratic nominee (pretty likely). Colorado’s Democratic-controlled state legislature has pledged to cast its electoral votes for Trump in this scenario, even though a majority of their constituents preferred the Democrat.

Would state legislators actually follow through with this very high-profile vote that explicitly flouts the wishes of their most passionate supporters? Or would they abandon the interstate compact because it has become politically inconvenient to stick with it, which is basically the entire point of having a compact in the first place? And what would be the penalty for abandoning it? And should the legislature change partisan hands after the next election, would they feel obligated to the NPV? What would prevent them from abandoning it?

Such political ramifications might actually make the NPV unusable. But the movement nonetheless forces a conversation, and even if there’s not sufficient bipartisan support for an amendment, political leaders are recognizing that ignoring this issue is becoming increasingly untenable.

Brazil’s Supreme Court pushed back against an attempt to cancel participatory councilsBrazil’s Supreme Court pushed back against an attempt to cancel participatory councils
Mischiefs of Faction

That’s good news for Brazilian democracy.

By Carla Bezerra and Lindsay Mayka
Six political scientists react to the first Democratic primary debatesSix political scientists react to the first Democratic primary debates
Mischiefs of Faction

A good event for the upper tier of candidates, a bad one for Biden, and a forgettable one for the ones you’ve already forgotten.

By Richard Skinner, Seth Masket and 4 more
Technology and transparency: the path to a modern Congress?Technology and transparency: the path to a modern Congress?
Mischiefs of Faction

We’re starting to see the direction of a committee dedicated to changing Capitol Hill.

By Richard Skinner
Brazil’s Bolsonaro took a page from US politics by dangling the possibility of an evangelical Supreme Court JusticeBrazil’s Bolsonaro took a page from US politics by dangling the possibility of an evangelical Supreme Court Justice
Mischiefs of Faction

But US evangelicals have been more loyal to Trump than Brazil’s evangelicals have been to President Bolsonaro, so this move may not work.

By Amy Erica Smith
What’s motivating the DNC’s debate rulesWhat’s motivating the DNC’s debate rules
Mischiefs of Faction

Democrats are trying to learn from 2016 and prevent the same problems in the nomination race.

By Seth Masket
Why everyone runs for president these daysWhy everyone runs for president these days
Mischiefs of Faction

For the second presidential cycle in a row, there’s a record-breaking number of candidates in the nominee race.

By Rachel Bitecofer